You can smell the fear.
The entire establishment knows that the public regard them as nothing more than trough snorting pigs.
The Tories answer 'lets debate them' will fail as it will be the political equivalent of debating with a packet of lard.
The Tories not only have no answers to any of the problems of our nation, the solutions they seek to peddle to the public would leave us in as much of a state as we are now.
Then New Statesman is a lefty / liberal rag with New Labour baggage - it is filled with leftist parasites not political thinkers.
Therefore the BNP will rise.
When both left and right are ideologically bankrupt globalists, its hard to tell the retarded establishment that the issue of left / right is now redundant due to globalisation - and that the only politics of the future is NATIONALISM in opposition to political correctness, multi-culturalism, globalism and mass immigration.
They just dont get it do they, these idiots in the establishment.
When the votes are tallied after the elections for the European Parliament in June there is a good chance that British voters will, for the first time, have sent a representative of the British National Party (BNP) to Brussels. Across the political spectrum, many continue to condemn the BNP as a racist and neo-fascist organisation, considering its supporters “knuckle-dragging scum” (Richard Littlejohn) or “ignoramuses and bigots” (Yasmin Alibhai-Brown). Such simplistic stereotypes provide a comforting image of the BNP as a lunatic fringe that may score a few upsets in council by-elections but will never be a serious force in mainstream politics. This is a dangerously complacent view of a party that has grown more rapidly than any other in 21st-century Britain, and is on the brink of an electoral breakthrough that would bring media attention and serious European money.
Public anxiety about immigration may have helped fuel the BNP’s rise, but the party is about more than racism and xenophobia. Under the leadership of Nick Griffin, it has worked hard to develop a full manifesto of policies – a strategy that it hopes will pay dividends by improving its image and broadening its appeal. But who exactly is the party appealing to? A brief skim through BNP manifesto literature brings to light proposals for the following: large increases in state pensions; more money for the NHS; improved worker protection; state ownership of key industries. Under Griffin, the modern-day far right has positioned itself to the left of Labour. Is the strategy working?
In our study (to be published later this year by Routledge in The New Extremism in 21st-Century Britain), we examined a large sample of those who have voted BNP or would consider doing so. We found that the BNP is gaining new support principally from older, less educated, white working-class men – voters from Labour’s historical base who feel they have benefited little from the past decade of Labour government, and whose resentments the BNP has succeeded in articulating.
These voters share the BNP’s hostility to immigrants, seeing demographic change as a threat not only to socio-economic resources such as jobs and housing, but also to cultural values and the national community. Many of these voters are cynical about the main political parties. They gained little from the Blair boom and will be the first to suffer in the Brown bust. Their growing cynicism, distrust and detachment from politics have not been taken seriously by Labour, perhaps because the party’s strategists believed they have nowhere else to go. But many are now beginning to listen to what the far right has to say, and they agree with most of it.
Those who dismiss the BNP fail to appreciate the potential appeal of the modern far right’s fusion of nationalism, xenophobia and economic populism. Our research suggests that roughly one-fifth of white British voters share most or all of the BNP’s views. Most still find it difficult to vote BNP, turned off by the party’s association with extremism, or simply because there is no local BNP candidate to vote for. But even one seat in the European Parliament would provide resources and publicity that could act as a potent catalyst for a party accustomed to operating on a shoestring outside of the media spotlight.
Jean-Marie Le Pen’s Front National (FN) sets a worrying precedent in France. Founded in 1972, the FN was dismissed as a fringe movement for a decade. But after gains in local elections around Paris, the FN achieved a shock success in the 1984 European elections, obtaining ten seats and transforming its electoral prospects. In the next legislative elections, the party increased its vote from 44,000 to 2.7 million, nearly 10 per cent of the vote. It has been a significant force in French politics ever since. Those who dismiss Griffin’s BNP would do well to remember that no one in France took Le Pen seriously in the early 1980s. Twenty years later he was competing with Jacques Chirac for the French presidency.
Paul Canal: The BNP must be confronted, not ignored
Tim Montgomerie recently noted discussions among Tory MPs about a change of tactics towards the BNP. Here, Paul Canal - deputy chairman of Leyton and Wanstead Conservatives, where a council by-election is taking place in the Wanstead ward next Thursday, 23rd April - moves the debate further forward.
BNP_nightmare Last night's hustings for the Wanstead by-election in the London Borough of Redbridge were summarily cancelled when Labour "refused to share a platform" with the BNP.
I suspect the BNP were probably reluctant to share a platform with the party of Damian McBride. However, Labour's stance, replicated elsewhere, has denied electors the opportunity to question and assess local candidates, arguably threatens the democratic process and does nothing to counter the rise of the far right.
The "non engagement" policy has been a dismal failure in Dagenham and did little to counter the BNP in Swanley. With the BNP polling roundabout 6% across London, they are in danger of winning a seat in the European elections. With the BNP drawing votes from both Labour and Tory supporters, all parties need to re-examine their approach.
Ignoring the far right is no longer an option. We need to rebut their rhetoric with facts; we may agree that their policies are socially repugnant, economically illiterate and morally vacuous, but if they are achieving vote shares of up to 40% in some areas we are not getting that message across.
It is also absurd that one candidate, from any party, can withdraw and sabotage the whole process whilst the rest look on impotently. If the hustings are arranged in a fair and transparent manner, they should go ahead, despite "posturing" withdrawals. The idea that a debate may only proceed on terms acceptable to Labour, or anyone else, is another step along the road towards the supra-state, where we are told what to do and what not to do, what to eat and what not to eat, what to think and say and what we cannot think or say.
I would far rather engage the odious far right - and far left - in robust debate than leave them unchallenged to propagate their lies and foment social unrest. If Labour can tolerate Islamic radicals, they should tolerate all views. It will then be up to us to strip away the rhetoric and reveal the BNP to be the hollow man.
Wanstead Conservatives are holding an action day this Saturday, 18th April, in support of Alex Wilson, the Conservative candiate at the by-election. Anyone wanting to help should meet at Wanstead station at 10am or email Paul Canal for further details.